He also has a great interest in the production and dissemination of scientific knowledge, and runs the project JournalReviewer. He is currently awaiting his PhD defense on methodological problems and pitfalls in media effects research. Other studies have used athlete self-reports to measure aggression, either by presenting them with a scenario that describes an aggressive behavior and asking about their intentions or likelihood to aggress, or by asking them to respond to a number of items measuring aggressive or antisocial behavior.
Self-described likelihood to aggress has been used as a proxy for aggression. In these studies, participants are presented with a scenario in which the protagonist is faced with a decision to harm the opponent to prevent scoring and they are asked to indicate the likelihood they would engage in this behavior if they were in this situation. Finally, aggression e.
Aggression has a long history in both mainstream psychology and sport psychology. One view is that aggression results from frustration. In sport, frustration can occur for a variety of reasons: because of losing, not playing well, being hurt, and perceiving unfairness in the competition.
Contextual factors come into play so that the manner in which an individual interprets the situational cues at hand best predicts whether this athlete, or spectator, will exhibit aggression. Situation-related expectancies, such as the time of game, score opposition, or the encouragement of the crowd, also influence the athlete in terms of whether this is deemed an appropriate time to exhibit aggression.
A number of individual difference factors have been associated with aggression. Three of them are legitimacy judgments, moral disengagement, and ego orientation.
When athletes judge aggressive and rule-violating behaviors as legitimate or acceptable, they are more likely to be aggressive.
Moral disengagement refers to a set of psychosocial mechanisms that people use to justify aggression. Through these justifications, athletes manage to engage in aggression without experiencing negative feelings like guilt that normally control this behavior. For example, players may displace responsibility for their actions to their coach, blame their victim for their own behavior, claim that they cheated to help their team, or downplay the consequences of their actions for others.
Finally, individuals who are high in ego orientation feel successful when they do better than others; they are preoccupied with winning and showing that they are the best. These players are more likely to be aggressive in sport. A sample item is "I wish to go to war for the sake of god". The third subscale, also comprising eight items and called the West factor, represents the extent to which individuals blame Western nations for the problems that pervade society.
A typical item is "It has become clear that the West has an unspeakable hatred of Islam". Engelhardt, Bartholow, Kerr, and Bushman showed that P, a component of the event related potential, can be used to gauge desensitization to violence, ultimately increasing the likelihood of aggression.
In particular, after individuals are exposed to some event, such as the picture of a gun, brain activity momentarily changes. These changes in brain activity influence the electrical properties of the brain. In particular, after some event, the voltage of brain activity rises and falls several times over the period of half a second or so. This pattern of electrical activity is called an event related potential and can be measured with an EEG. A typical event related potential entails three rises in voltage coupled with two declines.
The third rise is called the P3 or sometimes the P, because this shift tends to begin about ms after the event and ends about ms later. In general, the P is especially detectable with electrodes that are placed over the parietal lobe.
The cognitive processes of individuals affect the amplitude or magnitude of this P For example, if the event, such as the picture, is common, the P is not usually as pronounced.
If the event is infrequent, the P is usually greater in amplitude. Furthermore, if this event is aversive, and provokes withdrawal or avoidance, the P is particularly pronounced. Specifically, according to Nieuwenhuis, Aston-Jones, and Cohen , the P represents the activity of the brain regions that are activated by norepinephrine.
Norepinephrine is primarily produced by the locus-coeruleus, a region in the brain stem, and activates regions in the brain that correspond to arousal including the hypothalamus and amygdala. Given the P represents level of aversion, Engelhardt, Bartholow, Kerr, and Bushman argued that perhaps this component could represent sensitivity to aggressive events.
In particular, if individuals are desensitized to aggression, perhaps because they have been exposed to many violent games in the past, their P to aggressive pictures should be diminished.
That is, they should perceive aggressive pictures as common instead of infrequent. Furthermore, these aggressive pictures should not elicit a motivation to withdraw. Engelhardt, Bartholow, Kerr, and Bushman provided evidence that confirms this possibility. In this study, participants played video games for 25 minutes.
Next, they were exposed to a series of aggressive pictures, such as a person inserting a gun in the mouth of someone else, embedded within a set of other pictures. The P that was evoked by the aggressive pictures was measured.
Finally, participants completed a game in which they could increase the noise that someone else would experience, representing an implicit measure of aggression. If participants had been exposed to the violent video games, their P to aggressive pictures was curbed.
They did not perceive these pictures as especially infrequent or aversive, representing a form of desensitization. Furthermore, this desensitization increased the likelihood they would subsequently act aggressively towards someone else, by increasing the noise that was emitted.
Anderson, C. Violent evil and the general aggression model. Miller Ed. New York: The Guilford Press. Baron, R. Human aggression 2nd ed. New York: Plenum Press. Berkowitz, L. Aggressive cues in aggressive behavior and hostility catharsis. Psychological Review , 71, Aggression: Its causes, consequences, and control. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.
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Journal of Research in Personality , 45, Denzler, M. How goal-fulfillment decreases aggression. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology , 45, DeWall, C. Hot under the collar in a lukewarm environment: Words associated with hot temperature increase aggressive thoughts and hostile perceptions.
Diener, E. Effects of prior destructive behavior, anonymity, and group presence on deindividuation and aggression. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 33, Effects of altered responsibility, cognitive set, and modeling on physical aggression and deindividuation.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology , 31, Eisenberger, R. Who takes the most revenge? Individual differences in negative reciprocity norm endorsement. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin , 30, Engelhardt, C. One notable recent example was the suicide of year-old Rutgers University student Tyler Clementi on September 22, Cyberbullying can be directed at anyone, but lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgendered LGBT students are most likely to be the targets Potok, Hinduja and Patchin found that youth who report being victims of cyberbullying experience a variety of stresses from it, including psychological disorders, alcohol use, and in extreme cases, suicide.
There is perhaps no clearer example of the prevalence of violence in our everyday lives than the increase in terrorism that has been observed in the past decade National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism, These terrorist attacks have occurred in many countries across the world, in both Eastern as well as Western cultures.
Even affluent Western democracies such as Denmark, Italy, Spain, France, Canada, and the United States have experienced terrorism, which has killed thousands of people, primarily innocent civilians. Terrorists use tactics such as killing civilians to create publicity for their causes and to lead the governments of the countries that are attacked to overrespond to the threats McCauley, How can we understand the motives and goals of terrorists?
Are they naturally evil people whose primary desire is to hurt others? Or are they more motivated to gain something for themselves, their families, or their countries?
What are the thoughts and feelings that terrorists experience that drive them to their extreme behaviors? And what person and situational variables cause terrorism? Prior research has attempted to determine if there are particular personality characteristics that describe terrorists Horgan, Perhaps terrorists are individuals with some kind of deep psychological disturbance.
However, the research conducted on various terrorist organizations does not reveal anything distinctive about the psychological makeup of individual terrorists. Empirical data have also found little evidence for some of the situational variables that might have been expected to be important. There is little evidence for a relation between poverty or lack of education and terrorism. Furthermore, terrorist groups seem to be quite different from each other in terms of their size, organizational structure, and sources of support.
Arie Kruglanski and Shira Fishman have argued that it is best to understand terrorism not from the point of view of either particular personality traits or particular situational causes but rather as a type of instrumental aggression—a means to an end.
Kruglanski and his colleagues argue that terrorists believe that they can gain something through their terrorist acts that they could not gain through other methods. The terrorist makes a cognitive, deliberate, and instrumental decision that his or her action will gain particular objectives.
Thus, for the terrorist, willingness to die in an act of suicidal terrorism may be motivated not so much by the desire to harm others but rather by self-concern—the desire to live forever. Breivik planned his attacks for years, believing that his actions would help spread his conservative beliefs about immigration and alert the Norwegian government to the threats posed by multiculturalism and particularly the inclusion of Muslims in Norwegian society.
This violent act of instrumental aggression is typical of terrorists. Ames, D. Psychological Science, 24 9 , Archer, J. An integrated review of indirect, relational, and social aggression. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 9 3 , — Berko, A.
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